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        The spell-out algorithm and lexicalization patterns

        Slavic verbs and complementizers

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        Author(s)
        Wiland, Bartosz
        Collection
        Knowledge Unlatched (KU); Language Science Press 2018-2020
        Number
        104857
        Language
        English
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        Abstract
        The book covers the morphosyntax of verbs and categories syncretic with the declarative complementizer in Slavic, together with a comparative look at the similar categories in Latvian (Baltic) and Basaá (Bantu). In the domain of verbs, the book investigates an analytic vs. fusional realization of grammatical categories that we find in a semelfactive-iterative alternation in Czech and Polish, where a semelfactive verb stem such as in the Czech kop-n-ou-t ‘give a kick’ alternates with an iterative verb stem as in kop-a-t ‘kick repeatedly’. The iterative -aj stem is morphologically less complex than the semelfactive stem formed with the -n-ou sequence, which is paradoxical given syn-sem representation is more complex than semelfactives. In the domain of complementizers, the book focuses on cross-categorial paradigms that include an unexpected morphological containment (in Russian), a degree of morphological complexity (in Latvian), and an ABA pattern of syncretic alignment (in Basaá).
        URI
        http://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/24889
        Keywords
        Linguistics
        DOI
        10.5281/zenodo.2636394
        ISBN
        9783961101603
        OCN
        1147263747
        Publisher
        Language Science Press
        Publisher website
        https://langsci-press.org/
        Publication date and place
        2019-06-06
        Grantor
        • Knowledge Unlatched - 104857 - Language Science Press 2018 - 2020
        Rights
        https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/legalcode
        • Imported or submitted locally

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        • If not noted otherwise all contents are available under Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)

        Credits

        • logo EU
        • This project received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 683680, 810640, 871069 and 964352.

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